Women and the Economy: Family, Work and Pay by Saul D Hoffman, Susan L Averett

Ascent female person labor forcefulness participation has been one of the most remarkable economic developments of the concluding century. In this entry we present the key facts and drivers behind this important alter.

Here is an overview of some of the main points we embrace below:

All our charts on Women'due south employment

Historical perspective

Female participation in labor markets grew remarkably in the 20th century

The 20th century saw a radical increment in the number of women participating in labor markets across early on-industrialized countries. The post-obit visualization shows this. Information technology plots long-run female participation rates, piecing together OECD information and available historical estimates for a choice of early-industrialized countries.

Equally nosotros can see, in that location are positive trends across all of these countries. Notably, growth in participation began at unlike points in time, and proceeded at different rates; withal, the substantial and sustained increases in the labor force participation of women in rich countries remains a hit characteristic of economical and social change in the 20th century.¹

However, this nautical chart besides shows that in many rich countries – such equally, for example, the United states – growth in participation slowed down considerably or fifty-fifty stopped at the turn of the 21st century.²

Married women drove the increment in female labor force participation in rich countries

About of the long-run increase in the participation of women in labor markets throughout the last century is attributable specifically to an increase in the participation of married women.

The following visualization shows the feel of the Us. It plots female labor force participation rates, differentiating past marital status. Equally tin can exist seen, the marked up trend observed for the full general female population is mainly driven by the trend amidst married women. Heckman and Killingsworth (1986) provide evidence of like historical trends for the UK, Germany and Canada.ⁱⁱⁱ

Labor force participation of women in the US, past marital condition – Engemann & Owyang (2006)⁴

Labor force participation of women in the us 1955 2005

Higher female labor force participation oft went together with fewer worked hours

The post-obit chart shows boilerplate weekly hours worked for women in a pick of OECD countries. As we tin see, nigh countries testify negative trends, which is consequent with the trends for the population as a whole. Nevertheless, some of these trends are still remarkable if we have into business relationship the substantial increase in female person participation taking identify at the aforementioned time.

This is an of import pattern: At the same time as more women in rich countries started participating in labor markets, there was oft a reduction in the average number of hours that women spent at piece of work. Estimates suggest that in nigh all cases, the effect along the extensive margin (participation) was much stronger, so total amount of female piece of work in labor markets (Hours per female person worker ten Number of female workers) went up.⁵

Labor force participation

Female participation in labor markets, country by state

The following visualization shows female labor forcefulness participation rates, across world regions.

By clicking Add together country you lot tin add data for specific countries and regions.

And you can come across the change over fourth dimension by using the time slider below the nautical chart.

Around the globe, the participation of women in labor markets has increased in the terminal decades

In the majority of countries, across all income levels the participation of women in labor markets is today higher than several decades ago. The chart shows this, comparing national estimates of female person participation rates in 1980 (vertical centrality) and the latest available year (horizontal axis).

The grey diagonal line has a slope one, so countries that take seen positive changes towards women appear on the lesser right. As we can meet, near countries lie on the bottom right, and some are very far below the diagonal line.

The chart shows ILO's 'not-modelled' estimates, which have a college margin of fault but are available for a longer flow. Whenever a country had missing information for 1980 or the latest available year, the closest year with bachelor information is shown (within a 5-twelvemonth window).

For reference, this gradient chart plots the same dataset, but only for countries with observations on 1980 and the latest available yr.

Men tend to participate in labor markets more than oftentimes than women

Despite recent growth in female participation rates, men still tend to participate in labor markets more frequently than women. The following visualization shows this. Information technology plots the female-to-male ratio in labor force participation rates (expressed in percents). These figures correspond to estimates from the International Labour Organization (ILO). These are 'modelled estimates' in the sense that the ILO produces them later harmonising various data sources to improve comparability beyond countries.

Every bit we can see, the numbers tend to be well below 100%, which means the participation for women tends to be lower than participation for men. Withal differences are outstanding: In countries such as Syrian arab republic or Algeria, the relationship is below 25%. In contrast, in Laos, Mozambique, Rwanda, Malawi and Togo, the relationship is close or even slightly in a higher place 100% (i.e. in that location is gender parity in labor strength participation in these countries).

Female labor force participation varies with age

The next chart compares labor force participation among younger and older women. To be specific, among women ages 25-34 and 45-54.

Every bit we can see, very few countries prevarication on the diagonal line, so in most cases female person labor force participation is not constant beyond historic period groups.

In some countries participation is higher for younger women, and in some countries information technology is higher for older women. However, in that location is an interesting blueprint: In countries where female person participation in labor markets is generally depression (those at the bottom left), it tends to be the case that participation is much higher among younger women.

Consider Kuwait: The female participation rate is most 48% if nosotros consider all women; even so the rates for younger and older women are 68% and 34% respectively.

The global expansion of female person labor supply has gone together with a increase in the average age of women in the labor force

The visualization shows the age distribution of women who are economically agile. This chart allows you to explore countries and regions (use the option labelled 'Change state'), also every bit relative and absolute figures (use the option labelled 'relative' to change between percentage and number of workers).

As we can see, today the number of women in the global labor force who are younger than 25 is slightly less than what information technology was fifteen years agone. However, the global female labor strength grew past near 50% over the same period.

This shows that the global expansion of female labor supply has gone together with a increase in the average age of women in the labor strength.

In rich countries there has been a steeper increase in the historic period of women in the labor force, partly considering participation amid younger women has actually gone down.

Employment

Female employment has grown together with rising female participation

Labor force participation comprises both employed and unemployed people searching for work. The chart plots female employment-to-population ratios across the world (national estimates before ILO corrections). These figures show the number of employed women as a share of the total female population.

As we can run across, the trends are consequent with those for labor forcefulness participation: In the period 1980-2016, the majority of countries saw an increase in the share of women who are employed. This is what we would expect – it means that, mostly, the participation of women in the labor market was driven by employment, rather than unemployment.

The representation of women in employment across different economic sectors

The following chart plots the share of women in different economic sectors, country past state.

As we can run into, in nigh countries there is 'occupational segregation': Women tend to be disproportionately full-bodied in certain types of jobs. And in some cases (e.g. Italian republic in the nautical chart), these patterns of segregation have become more pronounced in recent decades.

As we discuss in another blog post, this also has important consequences for pay differences between men and women.

The sectoral composition of female employment

The chart higher up shows the gender distribution of sectoral employment. As nosotros signal out above, this allows us to explore 'occupational segregation'.

Another mode to explore segregation patterns is to cut the information the other fashion around, and look at the distribution of female employment across sectors. That is, the sectoral composition of female employment, rather than the gender composition of sectoral employment.

This can be seen in the charts for industry, services and agriculture.

All over the world men are more likely to work in industry than women (most countries prevarication below the diagonal line). And women tend to work more often than men in services.

The pattern for services is also interesting because it shows some of import regional differences: In many low-income countries where the service sector is small in relative terms (i.eastward. countries in the bottom left, where both male person and female employment in services is depression), the pattern is reversed, and men tend to work more oftentimes in services than women. India is an important instance in signal.

Informal work & unpaid intendance work

Women ofttimes work in the informal economy

The following nautical chart shows the share of women employed in the informal economy, equally a share of all women who are employed in non-agricultural economic activities.

As we can see, a large role of female employment effectually the world takes identify in the informal economy. In fact, in many low and centre income countries, the vast bulk of women engaged in paid work are in the informal economic system. For women in Uganda, for example, almost 95% of paid work outside agriculture is informal. In Greece, the corresponding effigy is close to 4%.

How practise the figures for women compare to those for men? In the majority of countries women tend to work more often in the informal economy than men. And it is probable that this gender difference would exist larger if we accounted for the informal agronomical economic system, for which data is not available.

Women spend substantially more time than men on unpaid care work

Unpaid intendance work at home is an important action in which women tend to spend a significant amount of time – and, as we hash out below, it is an activeness that is typically unaccounted for in labor supply statistics. In the next chart we bear witness merely how skewed the gender distribution of unpaid care work in the household is.

The chart shows the female-to-male ratio of fourth dimension devoted to unpaid services provided within the household, including intendance of persons, housework and voluntary community piece of work. You lot can add countries using the push labeled ' Add together country '. And yous can click on the 'Map' tab to get a cross-country overview.

Gender differences in fourth dimension devoted to unpaid care work cut beyond societies: All over the world, women spend more fourth dimension than men on these activities. Nonetheless in that location are clear differences when it comes to the magnitude of these gender gaps. At the low end of the spectrum, in Uganda women work 18% more than than men in unpaid intendance activities at domicile. While at the contrary end of the spectrum, in countries such as India, women work ten times more than men on these activities.

A report from the OECD shows a breakdown of time spent on unpaid intendance work by gender and region.⁶

Unemployment

In well-nigh countries the unemployment rate is college for women than for men

The scatter plot compares unemployment rates among men and women. As we can see, in most countries unemployment rates are higher for women than for men.

But the difference of the unemployment rates depends on the overall unemployment rate in the country:

On the left-paw side of the nautical chart we can see that almost countries lie close to the diagonal line marking gender parity. This means that in countries with by and large low unemployment rates, the gender differences in unemployment are not very big.

Yet, on the right-hand side of the chart, most countries lie significantly above the diagonal line – so in countries where unemployment is more than mutual, women tend to exist disproportionately afflicted.

Countries with very depression female person labor strength participation tend to also take high female unemployment

The map shows unemployment rates for women across the world. Equally we tin see, the highest female unemployment rates correspond to the countries with the lowest female labor force participation, notably in Northward Africa and the Middle East.

Closely related to this is the fact that in many countries with low female person labor force participation, people think that whenever jobs are scarce, men should have more correct to a job.

Strikingly, in India, 84% of the survey respondents agreed with the statement: "When jobs are scarce, men should accept more than right to a chore than women."

As we have already mentioned above, women all over the world tend to spend a substantial amount of time on unpaid care work, which piece of work falls outside of the traditional economic production boundary. In other words, women often work but are not regarded as 'economically active' for the purpose of labor supply statistics.

This type of not-market place work can be time consuming. It is therefore not surprising that the factors driving an increase in female person labor supply – whether they are improvements in maternal wellness, reductions in the number of children, childcare provision, or gains in household technology – all affect unpaid care piece of work.

Below we discuss each of these factors, the underlying importance of social norms, and a 'larger picture' view of long-term structural change.

Maternal health

Maternity – pregnancy, childbirth, and the period after childbirth – imposes a substantial brunt on women's wellness and time. This, in turn, can have a significant impact on women's ability to participate in the labor force.

Researchers Alabanesi and Olivetti (2016)⁷ judge that in 1920, an American adult female could lose on average ii.31 years per pregnancy due to disabilities associated with maternal conditions. Past 1960, that effigy had declined to 0.17. The researchers evidence that the historical turn down in the brunt of maternal weather and the introduction of infant formula contributed to the rising in married women's labor force participation between 1930 and 1960 in the The states.

The chart illustrates the relationship between maternal mortality and female labor force participation in the US. Equally we tin can see, falling maternal bloodshed is accompanied past ascent female labor strength participation.

Fertility

On average, mothers around the world continue to spend more fourth dimension on childcare than fathers. Considering of this, lower fertility – fewer children per adult female – can gratuitous up women'southward fourth dimension and contribute to an increment in female labor strength participation.

A number of studies have established causal show of this past considering exogenous changes in family unit size and their impact on labor market outcomes.⁸

Fifty-fifty more chiefly, research by Goldin and Katz (2002)⁹ shows that increasing women'south control over their reproductive choices contributes to altering their career and marriage choices past eliminating the adventure of pregnancy and encouraging career investment.

The visualization shows the average almanac alter in fertility and female person labor force participation across the globe, from 1960 to the most recent year. Despite some outliers and some articulate differences past region, nosotros tin can see that most countries are in the upper-left quadrant – that is, in most countries female labor force participation has gone up at the aforementioned time that fertility has gone downwardly.

Childcare policies

Because women on boilerplate however spend more time on childcare than men, family oriented policies – such as childcare support – can make employment more compatible with motherhood.

A natural experiment from Canada provides causal bear witness for this. In 1997, the provincial government of Quebec introduced a generous subsidy for childcare services. Researchers Lefebvre and Merrigan found that this policy had substantial labor supply furnishings on the mothers of preschool children, increasing participation both amid well-educated and less well-educated mothers.^x

In the chart we show that female employment, measured every bit the employment-to-population ratios for women 15+, tends to be higher in countries with higher levels of public spending on family benefits (i.e. child-related greenbacks transfers to families with children, public spending on services for families with children, and financial support for families provided through the tax system, including revenue enhancement exemptions).

Labor-saving consumer durables

The introduction of labor-saving consumer durables such as washing machines, vacuum cleaners, and other fourth dimension-saving products has reduced the amount of time required for household chores – something that women on average spend more than time than men on.

Greenwood et al. (2005)¹¹ present evidence for this, arguing that such innovations can assistance explain the rise in married female person labor force participation in the Usa between 1900 and 1980.

The chart provides a sense of perspective on the impact that consumer durables tin take on the domestic work done by women all over the globe.

Social norms and civilisation influence the way we run into the earth and our role in it. To this terminate, at that place is footling doubt that the gender roles assigned to men and women are in no minor office socially constructed.¹²

Recently, scholars have taken an involvement in trying to determine when and how gender roles first emerged historically. And while theories most the origin of gender roles are certainly an interesting strand of research, our recent and even current practices evidence that these roles go along to persist with the help of institutional enforcement.¹³ Goldin (1988)^xiv, for instance, shows that "marriage confined" in the 1800s and 1900s prohibited married women from working in teaching and clerical jobs – occupations that would become the most ordinarily held amongst them after 1950.

Where are there restrictions on the jobs women are allowed to take?

Equally we encounter in the map, barriers to women entering the labor force continue to exist across many countries today. The information in this map, which comes from the World Banking company'due south World Evolution Indicators, provides a measure of whether there are any specific jobs that not-pregnant and not-nursing women are non allowed to perform.

So, for example, a country might be coded as "No" if women are only allowed to piece of work in certain jobs within the mining industry, such equally health care professionals within mines, merely non as miners.

Public opinion about working women

But fifty-fifty after explicit barriers are lifted and legal protections put in their place, discrimination and bias can continue to exist in less overt ways. Goldin and Rouse (1997)^xv, for example, await at the adoption of "blind" auditions past orchestras, and show that by using a screen to conceal the identity of a candidate, impartial hiring practices increased the number of women in orchestras by 25% between 1970 and 1996.

The nautical chart illustrates public stance in the U.s.a. on whether married women should work. At the finish of Globe War Two, simply 18% of people in the Usa thought so. Female labor supply started to increase in the The states aslope changing social norms: every bit more people approved of married women working, female labor force participation grew – and as approving stagnated in the 90s, so did labor force participation.

Structural changes of the economy

The chart plots female labor force participation rates by national income. Equally we tin run across, female labor force participation is highest in some of the poorest and richest countries in the world, while information technology is lowest in countries with incomes somewhere in betwixt. In other words: in a cantankerous-section, the relationship between female participation rates and Gross domestic product per capita follows a U-shape.

In depression-income countries, where the agricultural sector is particularly important for the national economy, we see that women are heavily involved in production, primarily as family workers. Under such circumstances, productive and reproductive piece of work is not strictly delineated and can be more easily reconciled. With technological change and marketplace expansion, yet, work becomes more capital intensive and is ofttimes physically separated from the abode. In middle income countries, there is an observed social stigma attached to married women working and "women's work is often implicitly bought past the family unit, and women retreat into the home, although their hours of piece of work may not materially change."^sixteen

With sustained development, women brand educational gains and the value of their time in the market place increases aslope the need-side pull from growing service industries. This means that in high income countries, the ascent in female labor strength participation is characterized by women gaining the option of moving into paid, often white-collar work, while the opportunity cost of exiting the workforce for childcare rises.¹⁷

For some high-income countries, this U-shape pattern has likewise been observed over time. For case, long-run evidence from Italian republic shows that female person labor force participation was actually lowest around 1960, and is today still lower than in the period before the 2nd World War.¹⁸

Definitions & Measurement

Conceptual bug with the definition of "work"

Throughout this entry, labor strength participation is defined as beingness 'economically active'. But what does that really mean? Being able to respond this question is crucial to understanding female labor supply, since women typically invest time on productive activities that do non count as 'market labor'.

From a conceptual bespeak of view, people who are economically active are those who are either employed (including function-time employment starting from one hour a week) or unemployed (including anyone looking for task, fifty-fifty if it is for the first time). Students who practice not have a job and are non looking for one, are not economically active.

In the guidelines stipulated past the ILO, 'employment' also includes cocky-employment, which means that in principle, the labor strength includes anyone who supplies labor for the product of economic appurtenances and services, independently of whether they exercise then for pay, profit or family unit proceeds. This chart from the ILO shows an overview of what counts and what doesn't towards producing 'economical appurtenances and services'.^xix

Loosely speaking, the guidelines stipulate that unpaid activities should be excluded if they lead to services or appurtenances produced and consumed within the household (and they are not the prime contribution to the full consumption of the household).^twenty This oftentimes ways excluding unpaid piece of work on things like "Training and serving of meals"; "Intendance, training and instruction of children"; or "Cleaning, decorating and maintenance of the dwelling".

The implication, then, is that fifty-fifty if the guidelines are followed closely to include all possible forms of economical activities, even in the informal sector, in that location volition nonetheless exist an important number of 'working women' who are excluded from the labor force statistics. And these exclusions are even more salient if nosotros consider that in many countries bodily measurement deviates from the guidelines.

There is an ongoing debate concerning the omission of unpaid intendance work from official labor statistics. The 2009 Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Committee on the Measurement of Economic Performance And Social Progress puts information technology this way:²¹

There have been large changes in the functioning of households and the lodge. For example, many of the services that people received from their family in the past are now purchased on the market place. This shift translates into a rise of income, every bit measured in the national business relationship, and this may give a fake impression of a modify in living standards, while it only reflects a shift from non-marketplace to market provision of services. A shift from individual to public provision of a particular product should not affect measured output. Past the same token, a shift of production from market place to household production or vice versa, should not affect measured output. In do, this invariance principle is not assured by current conventions on the measurement of household services.

A 2014 OECD publication titled "Unpaid Intendance Work: The missing link in the assay of gender gaps in labour outcomes", echoes the findings of the 2009 Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Committee, and recommends introducing Household Satellite Accounts, which could measure unpaid care work via Time Utilize Surveys. They stress that disregarding unpaid care work can significantly misestimate households' material well-being. Co-ordinate to some studies, if included, unpaid care work would found forty% of Swiss GDP and 63% of Indian Gdp.²²

Measuring work from survey data

In many countries with poor capacity to produce national statistics, labor force participation is measured from population censuses, rather than from labor force surveys peculiarly designed for that purpose. The consequence of this is that labor force statistics often exclude individuals who should be covered by the definitions above.

Indeed, the statistical series labeled as "ILO modelled" try to overcome some of these limitations by harmonizing the national estimates, to ensure comparability across countries and over time by bookkeeping for differences in data source, telescopic of coverage, methodology, and other land-specific factors. The modelled estimates are based mainly on nationally representative labor force surveys, with other sources (population censuses and nationally reported estimates) used only when no survey data are bachelor.²³

Unpaid piece of work is one of the most of import exclusions that arise from measurement limitations. Here, the fundamental point to comport in listen is that the ILO standards do recommend including informal workers, both paid and unpaid, nether the economically active population. In practice, however, data drove typically focuses on paid breezy employment, mainly outside agronomics. This ways that labor force statistics often practise include self-employed workers in their own breezy enterprises (east.g. street food vendors), equally well as persons in informal employment relationships in formal enterprises (east.thousand. workers hired by formal enterprises without a formal contract). Merely they ofttimes fail to include unpaid work on activities such as subsistence farming.

Historical female labor force participation estimates

Long (1958)

Data Source: Long, C. D. (1958) 'The labor force nether changing income and employment'. Princeton University Press.
Description of available measures: The measure used in this entry is 'proportion of the female person population ages 14 and over that is economically agile', however there are various other breakdowns available in the source.
Time span: Available time serial vary by country, but roughly 1890-1950
Geographical coverage: Multiple countries (i.e.
Usa, Great Britain, Canada, Germany, New Zealand)
Link: The data used here is found in Appendix A: table A-two, tabular array A-11, table A-16 https://econpapers.repec.org/bookchap/nbrnberbk/long58-1.htm

Heckman and Killingsworth (1986)

Data Source: Heckman J. and Killingsworth Grand. (1986) 'Female person Labor Supply: A Survey. in Handbook of Labor Economics, Volume I', Edited by O. Ashenfelter and R. Layard (based on: Dept of Employment and Productivity; Census 1971: Britain; Census 1981: United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland Full general Tables)
Description of bachelor measures: Female labor force participation rates (in percent) by historic period over time.
Time span: Available time serial vary by country, but roughly 1890-1981
Geographical coverage: Multiple countries (i.east.
US, Swell Uk, Canada, Federal republic of germany)
Link: The data used hither is institute in Table two.three: http://public.econ.duke.edu/~vjh3/e262p/readings/Killingsworth_Heckman.pdf

OECD labor force participation by sex and age

Data Source: OECD.Stat
Description of available measures: Proportion of the female person population ages 15 and older that is economically active.
Time bridge: 1960-2016
Geographical coverage: OECD countries
Link: http://stats.oecd.org/

Recent female labor strength participation estimates

Modeled ILO Estimates: Ratio of female person to male labor force participation (published by the Earth Bank)

Data Source: ILO (International Labor Organization) modeled estimates – 'modeled' meaning that the ILO harmonizes various data sources such every bit labor force surveys, censuses, etc., in order to improve comparability beyond countries.
Description of bachelor measures: Ratio of female person to male labor forcefulness participation rates (%) – defined every bit proportion of the population ages 15+ that is economically active.
Time span: 1990-2016
Geographical coverage: Global by country
Link: https://information.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FM.ZS

Modeled ILO Estimates: Female labor force participation rate (published past the World Bank)

Data Source: ILO (International Labor Organization) modeled estimates – 'modeled' significant that the ILO harmonizes various data sources such as labor force surveys, censuses, etc., in order to improve comparability across countries.
Clarification of available measures: Proportion of the female population ages 15 and older that is economically active.
Time bridge: 1990-2016
Geographical coverage: Global by country
Link: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.Iron.ZS

ILO 'Not-modeled' national estimates: Female person labor force participation charge per unit (published by the World Bank)

Data Source: ILO (International Labor Organization) national estimates – meaning that the ILO has not harmonized national data sources, thus there is a college margin of error while making estimates available for a longer menstruum.
Description of bachelor measures: Proportion of the female population ages 15 and older that is economically active.
Fourth dimension span: 1960-2016
Geographical coverage: Global by country
Link: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.NE.ZS

OECD average usual weekly hours worked

Data Source: OECD.Stat
Clarification of bachelor measures: Average usual weekly hours worked on the main job, for women ages 15+. Estimates represent to total declared employment. This includes part-fourth dimension and full-fourth dimension employment, every bit well every bit self-employment and dependent employment.
Time span: 1976-2016
Geographical coverage: OECD countries
Link: http://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DatasetCode=AVE_HRS#)

ILO 'Non-modeled' national estimates: female employment-to-population ratio (published by the Earth Bank)

Data Source: ILO (International Labor Arrangement) national estimates – meaning that the ILO has not harmonized national information sources, thus there is a college margin of mistake while making estimates available for a longer period.
Clarification of available measures:Proportion of a country'due south women 15+ who are employed.
Time span: 1960-2016
Geographical coverage: Global by country
Link: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.EMP.TOTL.SP.Atomic number 26.NE.ZS

Female person participation in breezy and unpaid work

ILO estimates: Female informal employment (published by the Earth Bank)

Data Source: ILO (International Labor Organization)
Clarification of bachelor measures: % women in informal employment (For a definition of what is considered 'informal employment' encounter here.
Time span: 2004-2016
Geographical coverage: Global by state
Link: https://information.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.ISV.IFRM.FE.ZS

OECD estimates: Female to male person ratio of time devoted to unpaid care work

Data Source: OECD
Description of available measures: Female person to male ratio of fourth dimension devoted to unpaid care work. Unpaid care work refers to all unpaid services provided within a household for its members, including care of persons, housework and voluntary customs work.
Fourth dimension bridge: The data is based on national fourth dimension-use surveys from the latest bachelor year/due south
Geographical coverage: OECD countries
Link: https://stats.oecd.org/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=GIDDB2014#

Barriers to women working

World Banking company: Tin nonpregnant and nonnursing women can do the aforementioned jobs as men?

Data Source: The World Bank
Clarification of available measures: Non-pregnant and non-nursing women can practise the same jobs as men indicates whether there are specific jobs that women explicitly or implicitly cannot perform except in limited circumstances. Both fractional and full restrictions on women'southward work are counted as restrictions. For example, if women are just allowed to piece of work in certain jobs within the mining manufacture, due east.m., as health care professionals within mines but not as miners, this is a brake.
Time span: 2009-2015
Geographical coverage: Global, by state
Link: https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SG.JOB.NOPN.EQ

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Source: https://ourworldindata.org/female-labor-supply